Russia and the Taliban: Talking With Terrorists


Moscow continues to designate the Taliban as a terrorist group, however on the identical time has made constant diplomatic contacts.

On December 20, Russian President Vladimir Putin said that the Taliban’s pursuits ought to be taken under consideration within the Afghanistan peace negotiations, because the group administers a considerable amount of Afghan territory. When probed additional on this subject at his annual year-end press convention, Putin claimed that public negotiations between america and the Taliban had been “most likely inevitable,” and that Russia would assist a peaceable decision to the battle that engages all main political forces in Afghanistan.  

Regardless of this conciliatory rhetoric from Putin and Russia’s choice to host the Taliban at a multilateral discussion board in Moscow on November 9, 2018, Russia continues to formally label the Taliban a terrorist group. Russia’s choice to designate the Taliban as a terrorist group was made in February 2003, after the Taliban endorsed Chechnya’s bid for independence and tried to promote 500 heavy weapons to Chechen rebels by way of a Saudi charity, al-Haramain.

Nearer diplomatic hyperlinks between Russia and the Taliban haven’t resulted on this designation coming underneath evaluate. In September 2016, Common Oleg Syromolotov, Russia’s Deputy International Minister entrusted with the counterterrorism portfolio, said that the Taliban stays a chosen terrorist group in Russia as a result of it’s seen as such by the United Nations (UN). Russian state media outlet TASS additionally makes use of the bracketed phrase “terrorist group outlawed in Russia” in its press releases on Afghanistan in reference to the Taliban.

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Russia’s choice to maintain the Taliban on its checklist of designated terrorist teams, despite the fact that it engages with the group in diplomatic dialogue, is intriguing and may be defined by two principal elements. First, maintaining the Taliban on the checklist of designated terrorist teams aligns carefully with the Kremlin’s established definition of terrorist exercise. Former Russian diplomat Viacheslav Matuzov, who led the Lebanon and Palestine desk of Communist Get together of the Soviet Union (KPSU)’s Worldwide Division from 1974-1989, instructed The Diplomat, that Russia views any non-state actor that targets civilian populations as a terrorist group.

Within the Center Japanese context, Matuzov argued that this definition permits Russia to tell apart militant organizations, like al-Qaeda and Jabhat Fatah al-Sham in Syria, from Hezbollah, which targets the Israeli army and works inside Lebanon’s present political system. Because the Taliban often targets Afghan civilians and denounces Afghan President Ashraf Ghani’s authorities as illegitimate, it’s unambiguously a terrorist group, in response to Matuzov’s definition, which is broadly accepted throughout the Russian overseas coverage institution.  

Second, designating the Taliban as a terrorist group permits Russia to obfuscate the extent of its cooperation with the group to the worldwide group. The Russian authorities has cited the Taliban’s standing as a terrorist group to justify its claims that it solely engages with the group to launch Russian hostages in Afghanistan and to trace ISIS’s presence in northern Afghanistan. This argument was utilized by the Russian International Ministry throughout its July 2018 outreach to India, when Moscow said that it engages with the Taliban to safeguard Russian civilians in Afghanistan. Russia’s deflection technique has reaped dividends, as Indian officers have shunned expressing public concern in regards to the Russia-Taliban relationship.

As Russia is unlikely to take away the Taliban from its checklist of designated terrorist teams for the foreseeable future, the appropriateness of constructing concessions to the Taliban stays a topic of heated debate inside Russian coverage circles. Carnegie Moscow Middle Director Dmitri Trenin instructed me in a 2017 interview that Moscow believes in diplomatic engagement with as broad a spread of actors as potential, with a particular exception being reserved for transnational terrorist teams, like ISIS. From this vantage level, Russia’s diplomacy with the Taliban may underscore the flexibleness of its overseas coverage and resemble its profitable 2012 diplomatic outreach to Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, which Moscow additionally labeled as a terrorist group.  

Inside Russian coverage circles, Putin’s particular envoy to Afghanistan, Zamir Kabulov, is the main supporter of Russia offering tactical recognition of the Taliban’s hegemony over areas of Afghanistan the place it has a big presence. In a July 2018 remark to media outlet Kommersant, Kabulov argued that the Taliban’s institution of “parallel energy our bodies” and a courtroom system that’s held in greater esteem than official Afghan establishments, makes the group an indispensable participant in Afghanistan.

Whereas Kabulov’s most popular strategy to engagement with the Taliban seems to be pragmatic, it’s fraught with appreciable dangers. A current analytical piece for the Valdai Dialogue Membership, authored by Richard Burchill, argued towards Russian multilateral engagement with the Taliban by stating that the November 9 talks may encourage different militant organizations to imagine that terrorism reaps dividends. Russia was accused by quite a few Afghan authorities officers of legitimizing terrorism after the November 9 talks, and was solely supported by Libya and Zimbabwe when it sought to strike down a UN movement on Afghanistan that ignored Moscow’s diplomatic position.

As well as, Russian policymakers are involved that legitimizing the Taliban’s authority over Afghan territories that it occupies may have unintended adverse penalties for Moscow’s arbitration ambitions in Syria. Within the Astana and Sochi processes, Russia has refused to grant enclaves of territory to Syrian insurgent forces and delegitimized the occupation of Syrian territory by teams that aren’t aligned with President Bashar al-Assad’s authorities. To keep away from having its arbitration position in Syria undercut by allegations of double requirements, Russia is prone to chorus from overtly recognizing the Taliban’s hegemony over areas of Afghanistan till a sturdy ceasefire is achieved in Syria.

Despite the fact that Russia is searching for to increase its diplomatic affect in Afghanistan by courting the Taliban, Moscow’s want to uphold a coherent set of worldwide authorized ideas and deflect from its relationship with the Taliban will possible be sure that the Taliban stays a Kremlin-designated terrorist group for the foreseeable future. The query of whether or not or not Russia will finally acknowledge the Taliban’s management over areas of Afghanistan that it governs stays extremely contentious. Nevertheless, Russia’s considerations about worldwide opprobrium may stop Moscow from making a agency dedication on this subject till additional progress is made in Syria and extra nations formally settle for a job for the Taliban within the post-war Afghan authorities.

Samuel Ramani is a DPhil candidate in Worldwide Relations at St. Antony’s School, College of Oxford specializing in post-1991 Russian overseas coverage. He additionally contributes often to the Washington Submit, The Nationwide Curiosity and Al-Monitor. He may be adopted on Twitter @samramani2.


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